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Over the past 50 years, the United States has seen a marked decline in religious identity. In 1972, about 90% of US adults identified as Christian (per the General Social Survey), with only 5% unaffiliated (1). By the early 1990s, Christians were still roughly 90%, but religious “nones” (no affiliation) began rising in the late 1990s (1). Today, only about 63% of Americans identify as Christian, while 29% are religiously unaffiliated (atheist, agnostic, or “nothing in particular”) (1) (2). This represents a rapid shift since 2007, when 78% were Christian and 16% unaffiliated (1). The decline spans virtually all demographics – men and women, all regions, and most ethnic groups (2) – pointing to a broad secularizing trend. Non-Christian faiths (Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, etc.) have grown modestly but still compose a small minority (around 6–7% combined) (3).
By Tradition – Mainline and Catholic Declines
Within Christianity, historic Protestant denominations have seen especially steep losses. Mainline Protestant churches (e.g. Presbyterian, Methodist, Episcopalian) fell from about 18% of US adults in 2007 to just 11% in 2023 (3). White Catholic numbers have also dropped (Catholics overall are ~19% of Americans today, down from ~24% in 2007) – a decline buffered only partly by Hispanic Catholic retention (3) (4). In fact, nearly one-third of Americans raised Catholic no longer identify as Catholic as adults (4). Meanwhile, evangelical Protestants declined more slowly (from ~26% to 23% since 2007) (3), and historically Black Protestant churches held steadier (5% of Americans, down from 7%) (3). American Judaism, Islam, and other minority religions have stayed relatively constant as a share. The only major “religious” category gaining members has been the unaffiliated, which now make up roughly one-quarter to one-third of the population, depending on the survey (1) (3).
Dropping Church Attendance and Membership
Religious practice has waned in tandem with affiliation. In the early 2000s, about 42% of Americans attended religious services weekly or almost weekly; by 2021–2023 this had fallen to 30% (5). Weekly church/synagogue attendance, once reported by roughly 1 in 3 Americans, is now about 1 in 5 (21% weekly, plus 9% nearly weekly) (5). Over 31% of Americans now say they “never” attend services, up from 11% in 1990 (6) (5). Church membership has also hit historic lows. In 1999, 70% of Americans belonged to a church, mosque, or synagogue; by 2020 that figure dropped to 47%, the first time a majority of Americans were not members of a congregation (7). (Church membership had hovered around 70% throughout the 20th century before plummeting after 2000 (7).) This decline in participation is closely tied to rising disaffiliation – those with no religion rarely attend or join – but even among the religiously affiliated, congregational membership has fallen (from ~73% of religious Americans being church members in 2000 to 60% in 2020) (7). Older generations who were highly churched are being replaced by far less religious younger cohorts (7). For example, only 36% of Millennials belong to a church, versus 58% of Baby Boomers (7). In short, Americans – especially younger ones – are not only shedding formal religion but also participating less often in worship services when they do identify with a faith.
General Social Survey and Pew Research data show Christian identification dropping from about 90% of US adults in the 1970s to 63% by 2020, while the religiously unaffiliated (“nones”) rose from roughly 5% to 29% in the same period (1) (2). (Other religions grew slightly from ~3% to 7%.) This reflects generational replacement and switching, as fewer people remain in the religion of their upbringing and more Americans report no religious identity.
Denominational Impact
The contraction of organized religion is evident in denominational statistics. Since 1990, membership in several major mainline Protestant denominations has fallen by 30–60%. For instance, the Presbyterian Church (USA) has shrunk by 58%, the United Church of Christ by 52%, Lutherans by 41%, and United Methodists by 31% (7). Catholic parishes have been consolidating as well – Catholic congregations now make up only 6% of US worship communities (down as a share), roughly on par with the number of non-Christian congregations (like mosques, temples, etc.) which together are about 6–9% (7). Many churches are literally closing their doors: more Protestant churches closed than opened in 2019, reversing earlier trends (7). The median attendance at a US church has fallen to only 60 people (half what it was in 2000) as older members die and fewer young families replace them (7). Researchers estimate that up to 30% of congregations may not survive the next 20 years if these trends continue (7). This downturn in religious participation provides critical context for the patterns in charitable giving described next.
Shifts in Religious vs. Secular Charitable Giving (1970s–2020s)
Religious Giving Used to Dominate
Decades ago, Americans channeled the bulk of their charitable donations to religious institutions. In the mid–20th century and into the 1970s, over half of all charitable dollars went to houses of worship or religious organizations. As late as 1980–1983, roughly 63% of all charitable giving in the US was directed to religious causes – primarily churches (8). Donations to religion consistently made up the single largest share of American philanthropy. By contrast, “secular” categories (like education, health, human services, etc.) collectively comprised about 35–40% of giving in that era. For example, in 2002 religion was still 35% of all giving, more than any other sector, with education a distant second at ~13% (9).
Rise of Secular Causes
Over the last 40–50 years, as religious engagement declined, the distribution of US charitable dollars also changed dramatically. While total charitable giving has grown in absolute terms, religion’s slice of the pie has steadily shrunk. By 2011, the religious sector’s share of US philanthropy had fallen to 34% (10). In the past decade this slide accelerated – by 2023, only 24% of charitable donations went to religious organizations, an all-time low share (10). In other words, in two generations religion went from receiving over six out of every ten donated dollars to under one in four (8) (10). This reflects the fact that fewer Americans are giving to churches (as we’ll see below), and they are instead directing their generosity toward other causes.
Growth in Other Sectors
Secular causes have largely filled the gap left by religion’s declining share. Philanthropic giving has broadened to a variety of nonprofits in fields such as education, human services, health, the arts, and international aid. Donations to colleges/universities, hospitals, social service charities, and similar organizations now claim a much larger portion of the nation’s generosity than decades past. For instance, as of 2023, education charities receive about 14% of all giving, and human services (poverty relief, food banks, shelters, etc.) receive another ~14% (11). Health organizations get about 9–10%, and charities categorized under “public-society benefit” (including donor-advised funds, United Ways, civil rights groups, etc.) get around 10% (11). Even relatively smaller sectors like arts & culture or environmental/animal charities have grown their share (each now attracting a few percent of donations) (8). Notably, grant-making foundations themselves (philanthropic funds often established by wealthy donors) now account for ~13% of all charitable recipient dollars (11) – indicating more money is being parked in private foundations or donor-advised funds for future giving, which is a secular trend. (10)
Charitable Giving by Recipient Sector (United States, 2023)
This breakdown shows the diversification of philanthropy. Religion remains the single largest category, receiving 24% of giving ($145.8 billion). Secular causes now make up the other 76%: for example, Human Services (14%) and Education (14%) each garnered around $88–$88.8 billion in 2023. Other major sectors include Foundations (13%), Public-Society Benefit (10%), Health (9%), International Affairs (5%), Arts & Culture (4%), and Environment/Animals (3%) (11) (8). In past decades, the religion slice (orange) was much larger – over 60% in the early 1980s – but as this chart illustrates, today Americans spread their donations across a wide array of secular causes. (Data: Giving USA 2024 report)
Religious vs. Secular Donation Trends
The decline in religious giving isn’t just relative — in recent years the absolute amount given to religion has plateaued or grown only slowly (barely keeping pace with inflation). From 2000 to 2020, US donations to religious congregations did increase about 10% in real dollars (12), but that growth was far outstripped by secular categories. In contrast, secular charitable giving has surged. Causes like education, health, and environment have seen robust growth due to major campaigns (e.g. billionaires funding colleges or medical research) and broader public support. As a result, even though religious giving remains #1 by category in raw dollars, it no longer dominates as it once did. By 2023, Americans donated roughly three times as many dollars to secular causes combined as they did to religion, a complete inversion of the ratio from the mid-20th century. Simply put, charity in America has become much more secular in its destinations, aligning with the population’s more secular outlook.
It’s important to note that some “secular” giving still reflects religious donors’ priorities (for example, faith-motivated individuals giving to a food bank or religious university is sometimes counted under human services or education rather than “religion”). Nonetheless, the direct support of congregations – Sunday collections, tithes, etc. – is far less central to US philanthropy than it was in our parents’ or grandparents’ time. Even many religious Americans now treat churches as just one of many charities they support, rather than their primary giving outlet (8).
Is Total Charitable Giving Declining, or Shifting?
With fewer Americans in pews, one might expect overall philanthropy to decline – yet total charitable dollars have remained historically high. In fact, aggregate giving by individuals in the US has grown over time (in nominal and inflation-adjusted terms), roughly keeping pace with economic growth. Americans continue to give about 2% of GDP to charity each year – a level that has held remarkably steady for decades (9). Even in 2022–2023, total giving hit a record $557 billion (8). However, this stability in dollars masks two countervailing trends: a decline in the share of Americans who donate at all, but an increase in average gift size among those who do. In other words, total giving hasn’t crashed because a smaller pool of (often wealthier) donors is compensating for the many who have stopped giving.
Fewer Donors, More Dollars
The portion of US households that donate to charity has fallen substantially, in parallel with declining religious participation. In 2000, about 66% of households gave to some charitable cause. By 2018, only 49.6% of households made a donation – meaning for the first time in recent history, a minority of American families gave charitably (13). This drop correlates strongly with the retreat from organized religion; many casual donors were churchgoers who gave small amounts periodically. Indeed, in 2000 nearly 47% of households donated specifically to religious congregations, but by 2018 only 29% did so (7). As church attendance declined, a large segment of Americans simply stopped giving through that venue. Importantly, giving to secular causes has not fully offset that loss in terms of participation – the share of households donating to secular (non-religious) charities also fell, from secular giving peaked around 2000 and then dipped after the Great Recession, reaching only 42% of households in 2018 (a new low) (13). In short, fewer people are donating at all, which is a concerning trend for the nonprofit sector.
At the same time, those who continue to give are giving more than ever. Charitable donation totals have hit record highs even as donor numbers shrink (13). This implies a concentration of giving. High-net-worth donors and large gifts now make up a greater portion of charitable receipts, offsetting the decline in broad-based, small donations. For example, many wealthy individuals establish private foundations or donor-advised funds and contribute large sums (which show up in giving statistics). The share of total philanthropy coming from individuals has dropped (from 82% in the early 1980s to about 67% now) as a greater chunk comes from foundations and bequests (8). But remember, those foundations are typically funded by extremely rich individuals – essentially, the rich are picking up the slack for the declining mass participation. Giving USA data confirms this shift: in the 1980s, everyday individuals’ donations were the backbone of charity, whereas now institutional giving (family foundations, etc.) is much more prominent (8).
Has Secular Giving Fully Compensated?
In terms of total dollars, secular causes have more than made up for the drop in church donations. The total annual charitable contributions in the US have not nosedived – they’ve remained around 2% of income and even grown in real terms (9). For instance, money that might once have gone into the collection plate may now be directed to a cancer research charity or an international relief fund. Overall charitable spending is as robust as ever, but it’s being redirected. However, there is a caveat: the decline in broad participation could spell trouble long-term. If younger generations do not pick up the habit of giving (as many haven’t, due partly to not being inculcated through religious tithing), total giving could eventually stagnate or fall when the current cohort of big givers is gone. So far, though, increased secular and mega-donor generosity has kept aggregate philanthropy from falling off a cliff. As one study summed up, “Donations to charitable causes are reaching record highs, but the giving is done by a smaller and smaller slice of the population.” (13) The rising tide of secular generosity (and stock-market fueled wealth) has lifted the totals even as the typical American donates less frequently.
Analyses by the Indiana University Lilly Family School of Philanthropy illustrate this dynamic. They found both religious and secular giving participation down between 2000 and 2018 across all racial groups (14). The economy plays a role (recessions hurt secular giving rates especially (13)), but the overarching story is cultural. Fewer Americans feel either a religious or civic obligation to give. Those who remain committed donors (often older and/or affluent) are compensating. Notably, Americans still volunteer and help others informally at high rates – generosity hasn’t disappeared, but it’s less often taking the form of a formal charitable donation from the median household.
Who Is Offsetting the Decline in Religious Giving?
Despite the drop in church-based giving, other donor groups and new patterns have helped fill the gap:
Secular-Minded Donors and Younger Generations
Younger Americans are far less religious than their parents, but many are passionately cause-driven. Millennials and Gen Z tend to support specific issues (climate change, social justice, etc.) rather than religious institutions. They are “active social change agents,” often giving through technology and social media campaigns rather than weekly offerings (15). While young adults on average donate less money (due to lower income and weaker giving habits so far (13)), those who do give often choose secular charities. For example, a Pew study noted that among younger donors, contributions are frequently going to faith-based nonprofits (like charities affiliated with a faith) instead of directly to houses of worship (10). From 2016 to 2022, donations to faith-related organizations (e.g. World Vision, Catholic Relief Services) grew 130% among Millennials, even as giving to congregations stagnated (10). This suggests that younger generations are still charitable but channel their generosity differently – a Millennial might donate to a religiously-affiliated hurricane relief fund or a GoFundMe for a friend’s medical bills, rather than putting money in a church offering plate. Secular crowdfunding and peer-to-peer giving have risen, especially with young donors (15). All of this helps keep money flowing to needs outside of religion. However, one challenge is that fewer young adults are establishing the lifelong habit of giving; only about one-third of under-40 households donated to charity in 2018 (13). Nonprofits are strategizing about how to engage these younger, more secular donors as they age.
High-Net-Worth Individuals and Foundations
Perhaps the most significant offsetting factor is the rise of mega-philanthropy. Wealthy Americans have dramatically increased their giving over the past few decades, and much of their money goes to secular institutions (universities, hospitals, foundations tackling global issues, etc.). Donors like Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Mackenzie Scott, and others have poured billions into charity. Many of these gifts target causes such as education, global health, or the arts, which boosts secular giving totals. The data reflect this shift: individuals still account for ~67% of giving in 2023, but a large portion of that comes from the very rich (often via their foundations or donor-advised funds (8). In 1980, by contrast, ordinary individuals’ checkbooks drove 82% of giving (8). Affluent donors are increasingly diversifying their philanthropy away from congregations. A recent study found that “our most capable givers are rapidly shifting their giving away from the church to other nonprofits.” (8) In practical terms, this means a wealthy family that might once have donated primarily to their church and a few charities now allocates large sums to, say, their alma mater, a museum, a climate change fund – and comparatively less to religious entities. The proliferation of private foundations and donor-advised funds (DAFs) is a big part of this story. For example, contributions into DAFs (which are counted as charitable donations) have skyrocketed; these funds are often managed by community foundations or entities like Fidelity Charitable, and donors can later grant money out to various causes. Many high-net-worth donors prefer these vehicles over giving unrestricted cash to a church. The result is that total giving stays high (or even higher), but it’s being directed by fewer people and toward more secular endpoints.
Politically or Socially Motivated Giving
Some analysts note that as traditional religious tithing declines, ideological or cause-based giving has risen. Americans may be “replacing the collection plate with the campaign contribution” – donating to advocacy groups, social movements, or political organizations that align with their values. While contributions to 501(c)(4) advocacy groups or political campaigns are not counted as charitable giving in the official totals, this trend does reflect a shift in where people’s discretionary “giving” money goes. For instance, an individual passionate about social justice who in an earlier era might have given through a church mission fund might today donate to a racial justice nonprofit or an environmental advocacy group. These are secular outlets for value-driven giving. Surveys show younger donors especially are issue-focused and will support nonprofits that address causes they care about, whether through traditional charity or activist (15). Moreover, trust in institutions plays a role – young adults have lower trust in religious institutions but may trust nonprofits or community crowdfunding more (10). This has spurred donations to things like bail funds, refugee aid, LGBTQ causes, and so on. In summary, secular (often progressive) causes and even quasi-political giving have attracted funds that might once have flowed into religious charity. On the other end of the spectrum, religious conservatives who become disillusioned with certain church institutions might channel money to faith-aligned policy groups or private Christian charities rather than their denominations. All of these behaviors indicate a realignment of generosity from religious congregations to a mix of secular recipients according to personal priorities.
Demographic Segments
Demographically, the older generations (Silent and Boomer) still give the majority of dollars, and they are the ones sustaining many churches financially at the moment. As they continue to give generously to both religious and secular causes, they prop up totals. Younger generations (Gen X, Millennial, Gen Z), as noted, give less through religion but are gradually increasing their presence in philanthropy through new channels. We also see differences by religious background: Americans with no religion do donate less on average than religious Americans, but because the nonreligious group has grown so much, their aggregate giving is now significant. Many “Nones” give to humanitarian and community causes. Additionally, some religious minorities are very charitable within their communities – for example, American Muslims and Mormons have high donation rates driven by strong giving traditions (zakat in Islam, tithing in Latter-day Saint teaching). These contributions don’t necessarily show up as “to religion” in surveys if they go to relief charities, for instance, but they help offset declines in Christian giving. A UK study (for context) found that British Muslims on average give far more per person to charity annually than other faith groups (16); a similar generosity exists among American Muslim communities, especially during religious periods like Ramadan. Thus, non-Christian faith donors and secular philanthropists together are partly filling the space left by shrinking Christian donor bases in the US
In sum, the slack is being taken up primarily by wealthier and more secular donors. Fewer middle-class families might be giving $20/week to a church, but in their place a wealthy donor might endow a university scholarship with $2 million, and a millennial might run a Facebook fundraiser for a homeless shelter. The challenge for the future will be engaging the large segment of Americans who are currently non-donors – many of whom are young and secular – to become charitable givers as they age. If that happens, secular causes will continue to thrive and perhaps even total giving will grow; if not, nonprofits may face a contraction when today’s big givers are gone. For now, though, secular generosity and top-heavy philanthropy have largely compensated for the decline in religious giving in dollar terms, even as the culture of broad-based giving has weakened.
US vs. Global Trends: Religion and Charity in Context
The patterns observed in the US – declining religiosity paired with shifts in giving – can be illuminated by comparing to other countries:
Western Europe
Many Western European countries experienced secularization earlier and more completely than the US For decades, church attendance and affiliation have been much lower in places like Scandinavia, France, Germany, and the UK. Correspondingly, donations to religious institutions in Europe form a much smaller share of philanthropy than in the US In the United Kingdom, for example, only about 19% of charitable giving goes to religious organizations (17) (18). (This is roughly £1 in £5 donated.) Yet interestingly, that 19% comes from a relatively small fraction of donors (only ~12% of UK donors give to religion) (17), suggesting that devoted churchgoers contribute generously. Secular causes dominate British giving: popular causes include animal welfare (supported by 27% of donors), children’s charities, and medical research (18). European countries also tend to have more government funding for social services, which can “crowd out” private donations to needs that the state covers. As a result, overall private giving as a percentage of GDP is lower in most of Europe (often around 0.5%–1% of GDP) compared to ~2% in the US Nevertheless, Europe has strong traditions of volunteerism and mutual aid. For example, in Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, etc.), church involvement is low, but people engage in NGOs and civic groups; much of their “charity” is routed through high taxes and a strong safety net rather than tax-deductible donations. In countries like Germany and Italy, people may support the church through church taxes or cultural heritage donations, but secular charities (like international aid NGOs) receive significant support. The bottom line is that in highly secular societies, religious giving naturally makes up a small slice – but total generosity might be maintained via secular pathways or supplemented by public welfare. If the US follows a European trajectory, we’d expect religious giving to keep falling as a share, while secular giving either holds steady or grows modestly, and perhaps greater expectations that government address social needs.
Other Anglophone Countries
Canada and Australia show similar trends to the US in religious affiliation decline and have seen religion’s role in philanthropy drop, though not as sharply. Canada’s religious attendance has fallen, and donations to churches have declined relative to secular causes. Australia is now majority non-religious or Christian in name only, and charitable giving is often focused on health causes (like cancer research) and international relief. These countries also have generous government social programs, which can affect private giving patterns. That said, the US remains an outlier among wealthy nations for its high rate of charitable giving, rooted partly in its stronger (historically) religious culture and generous tax incentives for giving. Americans consistently gave more privately than Europeans, but the gap may narrow as America secularizes.
Religious Countries and Mandatory Giving
In contrast to secular nations, countries with high religious adherence often see high rates of charitable acts, though the form can differ. In the Islamic world, annual almsgiving (Zakat) is a religious duty – typically a fixed percentage of one’s wealth given to charity each year. This boosts charitable donation rates in many Muslim-majority countries. For example, Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, has extremely high participation in charitable giving. In a global index, 82% of Indonesians reported donating money to charity in a recent year, which was the highest rate in the world (19). (Indonesia in fact ranked #1 on the World Giving Index, ahead of the US (19).) Much of this giving is faith-driven, directed toward mosques or Islamic charities especially during Ramadan. Similarly, Middle Eastern countries with active zakat and strong religious culture see widespread giving (though some of it is informal or within communities). In predominantly Buddhist countries like Myanmar (Burma) and Thailand, giving to temples and monks (dāna) is a common practice. Myanmar in earlier surveys had one of the highest donation rates globally – at one point, around 81% of Burmese people donated money, often to Buddhist causes. Thailand also sees very high religious giving. During the COVID-19 pandemic, “faith-based giving helped immensely in nations such as Indonesia and Thailand,” propping up relief efforts (20). These examples highlight that where religion remains strong, charitable giving often remains high (frequently directed to religious recipients). The US historically fit this pattern as a wealthy-but-religious country; as it becomes less religious, it will be instructive to see if its giving rates begin to resemble more secular wealthy nations or if a culture of giving persists independently of religion.
Global Generosity Rankings
According to the Charities Aid Foundation’s World Giving Index, which measures the incidence of donating, volunteering, and helping strangers, the most charitable countries are a mix of religious and secular cultures. The United States was ranked the #1 most charitable country for a decade (2009–2018) in that index (20), reflecting its unique combination of wealth, religiosity (during those years), and civic culture. In recent reports, the US has slipped a bit (to 5th by 2022) as volunteerism dropped during COVID (20). Some highly secular countries, like the UK, Ireland, New Zealand, and Netherlands, typically rank in the top 10 for charitable giving, showing that a tradition of philanthropy can continue even with lower religious observance – often bolstered by strong nonprofit sectors and norms of community support. However, other secular countries like Japan or Scandinavia score lower on charitable donation metrics (for instance, only about 17% of Japanese adults report donating money to charity in a given year, compared to 61% in the US (19). This may be because in those societies, people expect the government to address social needs, and personal charitable giving is less emphasized. The culture of philanthropy varies: the US has long encouraged private charity (through churches, community chests, etc.), whereas France or Japan historically did not to the same extent.
Comparative Patterns
A key global pattern is that religious individuals, on average, tend to donate more and more often than non-religious individuals – a trend observed in many countries. One global survey found people for whom religion is important score higher on generosity indices than those for whom it isn’t (19). This doesn’t mean non-religious people aren’t generous, but belonging to a faith community often provides more frequent giving opportunities and encourages altruism. The US has been a prime example of this: traditionally, religious Americans not only gave to churches but also were more likely to give to secular charities than non-religious Americans (a phenomena sometimes called the “religion philanthropy multiplier”). With the decline of organized religion in the US, there is concern (and some early evidence) that overall participation in charitable giving will decline, since the segment of the population that was statistically most generous (churchgoers) is shrinking (7). European countries secularized earlier and indeed tend to have lower donation rates, suggesting the US could follow suit unless new social norms of giving take root beyond religion.
Unique Cases
It’s worth noting unique cases like South Korea – a country that industrialized rapidly and saw a religious boom (Christianity grew) and now some secularization. South Korea has high church giving among its Christian minority and also significant corporate philanthropy. Or Latin America, where Catholic affiliation has declined somewhat (and Evangelical churches grown), but overall religiosity remains higher than Europe. Latin American countries have cultural norms of informal giving and mutual aid, though formal charity is less developed than in the US Their charitable giving is harder to measure, but for instance, Mexico and Brazil see a lot of religious charity through churches and festivals, even as secular NGOs grow. In Africa, many countries remain very religious (Christian or Muslim) and community-oriented giving is strong, though formal philanthropy as % of GDP is low due to lower incomes. African cultures often emphasize helping family and community (the concept of “ubuntu” – human kindness – is cited as fostering high rates of helping strangers in surveys) (20). Thus, one finds that cultural and religious context heavily influence how people give: in religious cultures, more giving flows through faith channels; in secular ones, either secular charity takes over or total giving may be lower but supplemented by government efforts.
Summing up the Global Perspective
The United States is in the midst of a transition that some other countries experienced earlier – moving from a predominantly religious society to a more secular one. In countries that have undergone this shift, charitable giving often becomes more oriented toward secular causes, and sometimes overall philanthropy declines in participation (as seen in parts of Europe and Japan) unless a strong secular philanthropic ethos exists. The US fortunately has a robust philanthropic infrastructure and culture, so secular giving has ramped up impressively to compensate for declining church donations. Americans remain among the world’s most generous givers in terms of money and time. However, the character of American giving is slowly changing: from collection plates and missionary funds toward GoFundMe campaigns, university endowments, medical research, social advocacy, and international relief. Other nations mirror pieces of this pattern – e.g., the UK’s top donations now go to hospitals and children’s charities more than churches (18), and Australia’s biggest fundraising appeals are often for things like wildfire relief or cancer research rather than religious causes.
One striking difference is that America’s religious philanthropic decline is happening relatively rapidly, over just a few decades, whereas in places like Sweden or France the church ceded influence more gradually over the 20th century. The US philanthropic sector is actively watching this trend. Institutions like the Pew Research Center, Giving USA, and Lilly Family School are tracking whether younger, more secular citizens will embrace philanthropy at rates comparable to previous generations. Optimists point out that younger Americans are highly engaged in volunteerism and advocacy, even if they aren’t writing checks to churches, suggesting that a new form of civic engagement-based generosity could emerge. Pessimists worry that without the weekly reminder of a plate being passed, many may simply not develop the habit of giving.
Globally, the US may end up somewhere between the European model (more secular, somewhat lower private giving but high public safety net) and its own traditional model (religiously driven giving). For now, secular sources have largely compensated for the decline of religious giving in the US, keeping total charity strong, but this has come with a shift in who gives and where money goes. Countries around the world illustrate both the risks and opportunities of such a shift – from the generosity fueled by faith in some nations, to the strong secular humanitarianism in others. The American experience will likely continue to be a closely studied case of how a society navigates the intersection of declining organized religion and the enduring impulse to do good for others.
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